The coming weeks will get less simple as there remain the existing criminal acts and perhaps new ones for Individual-1. It remains for lawfare to resolve many delaying actions and stalling tactics as investigations and the beat for impeachment continue.
Manafort’s shenanigans still circle back to Ukraine, Russia, and Don & Rudy, trading in information. ” “Trump doesn’t deny that he tried to pressure Ukraine into investigating Biden. He defends it. Reporting the facts isn’t the same as protecting Trump’s potential 2020 opponent.” (politicsusa)
This is the moment of truth. Trump must stop suppressing the whistleblower’s report now — or face the consequences of having the nation assume the worst, and being removed from office for betraying his oath of office and grossly abusing his power as POTUShttps://t.co/Vfpfp7VGTa
— Laurence Tribe (@tribelaw) September 21, 2019
“While Mueller’s investigation did not place Trump directly in the Russian conspiracy to interfere in the 2016 presidential election and boost Trump’s candidacy, the president was an active participant in the Ukrainian episode.”
The owner of the neighborhood bakery denied that he was being pressured to pay protection money to the mob.
“Hey, we’re all friends here! They’re just looking out for the shop. Please don’t tell them you think that.” https://t.co/GDRUS8ekC6
— Charles Johnson (@Green_Footballs) September 21, 2019
There’s so many associated, connected, and even collusive criminal actions. Remember that Paul Manafort was making money off the corrupt politics in Ukraine. Corruption in Ukraine is not about Biden, but about a history of a flawed post-soviet legal system and exploited by Giuliani and Trump.
(2015) Viktor Shokin, Ukraine’s prosecutor general, was upbeat in his New Year’s message to colleagues. While “2015 was a difficult and responsible year for us all,” he wrote, we “carried out unprecedented reform and overhaul of the prosecutor’s system, bringing it closer to European standards.” Almost twenty years after Ukraine promised to reform its prosecutor’s office as a condition to joining the Council of Europe, it still has a long way to go. The reforms that have been made were disturbingly cosmetic. Shokin sabotaged the latest round of reform, which resulted in the status quo being reinstated under the guise of a new competitive system.
Under former President Viktor Yanukovych, the prosecutor’s office was seriously compromised. As a result, public faith in law enforcement remains critically low. Post-Maidan expectations of real reform received a setback when President Petro Poroshenko appointed Shokin, who is widely viewed as part of the old guard. That concern has proven justified.
Ukraine’s political leadership: still struggling with internal rifts and low credibility Since 1991, successive Ukrainian governments have battled with entrenched problems, including oligarchic influence and frequent shifts in the centre of power. While the period following the Euromaidan revolution has seen increasing transparency, weak governance has slowed the pace of critical reforms such as an overhaul of the judiciary and completing privatisation. The Prime Minister, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, previously hailed as a strong leader on reform, resigned in 2016 amid accusations of conducting backdoor deals and consulting oligarchs. Poroshenko replaced Yatsenyuk with an ally, Volodymyr Groysman, sparking concern over potential pressure to subdue reformists. Poroshenko’s seeming lack of reform action and ability to overcome internal divisions in parliament has damaged his credibility. Accordingly, his approval rating has dropped since his election in May 2014. While 47 % approved of his activities in 2014, just 17 % approved in 2015 according to a Gallup World Poll.
A September 2016 survey conducted by the International Republican Institute showed little change, with just 20 % approving of Poroshenko’s performance and 73 % disapproving. The new e-declaration system, through which politicians declare their assets to the public, also revealed that Poroshenko has extensive assets that he has not sold off. This may account for his unwillingness to investigate the sources of his fellow oligarchs’ wealth, many of whom are his allies. This raises the danger of so-called ‘partial reform equilibrium’, a situation in which the beneficiaries of a system block further change out of fear that it will harm their positions.
Trump is mad online.
He’s railing against Democrats and the fake news media and the deep state and the New York Times.
But he has never, ever, denied repeatedly asking the president of Ukraine to investigate one of his political opponents.
That’s a tell.
— Judd Legum (@JuddLegum) September 22, 2019
This switch in strategy away from denial may mean Trump finally read something, the transcript of the call. Also …. isn’t this the same guy who 2 days ago denied the story because he knows his calls with foreign leaders are “heavily populated”? Now he’s saying the call wasn’t? https://t.co/cZu2OKKN9Z
— Neal Katyal (@neal_katyal) September 21, 2019
Trump invents a spy scandal for the second time to distract from the converging financial scandals that will emerge eventually.
Next up, listen to this podcast episode:
“Deutsche Bank Is The 'Rosetta Stone' To Unlock Trump Finances”https://t.co/kilVo5NCsa
— Uncle Blazer (@blakesmustache) September 21, 2019
You mean like the one that happened on Tuesday?
— Teri Kanefield (@Teri_Kanefield) September 22, 2019